GLOBAL VIEW
TBLISISeeking a Reset in the South Caucasus
Georgi Gakharia
The Georgian flag waving in front of a shining sun.
For decades, Georgia was one of America’s most reliable strategic partners in the Black Sea and South Caucasus, and a key reason the U.S. architecture in this critical region worked in the first place. It anchored pivotal energy and transit projects, strengthened East-West connectivity, supported American military operations, and demonstrated that a post-Soviet state could pursue democratic transformation and Euro-Atlantic integration. Underpinned by a shared commitment to democratic governance, political freedom, and a broadly Western civilizational outlook, partnership with Georgia became the backbone of Washington’s regional strategy, delivering tangible geopolitical results for the U.S. and its allies.
Today, however, those strategic gains are at risk. The current trajectory of the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party is a direct challenge to a continued American stake in the region. In recent years, GD policy has been aimed at diminishing Washington’s influence in the country, undermining decades of U.S. investments and weakening its position by aligning with China, Iran, and Russia, while deviating from Georgia’s constitutionally mandated Euro-Atlantic course.
A Strategic Anchor
Situated at the intersection of Europe, the Caspian basin, and Central Asia, Georgia’s importance has never been abstract. It has been built through concrete projects that have helped to reshape Eurasian connectivity: projects like the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum (BTE) pipelines, along with the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars (BTK) railway. These were not merely infrastructure projects. They were strategic instruments that anchored a Western-oriented transport and energy corridor bypassing both Russia and Iran, strengthening European energy security, and integrating the South Caucasus into global markets.
This is the architecture that made the American position in our strategic region, which has historically been dominated by Russia and Iran, both possible and profitable. And this significance has only grown.
As global trade patterns shift and Europe seeks alternatives to Russian energy, Georgia has emerged as a central node in the Middle Corridor (a transcontinental route linking Europe to Central Asia and China and bypassing both Russian and Iranian control). The potential of the Middle Corridor has been amplified by the efforts of the current Administration in Washington, which has midwifed the “Trump’s Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP) project. However, without Georgia (home to key transport and energy infrastructure) this corridor would remain vulnerable and only partially functional, even after TRIPP is completed.
Given the region’s location, U.S.-Georgia cooperation has never been limited to economics. Georgia has been a security partner of exceptional reliability, actively engaged in counterterrorism, intelligence sharing, defense cooperation, and contributing to U.S. military operations. In fact, despite not being a NATO member, Georgia was among the largest troop contributors to U.S.-led missions in both Iraq and Afghanistan, a reflection of the Georgian view of the U.S. as both a strategic partner and the major security guarantor. This was not symbolic alignment; it was strategic solidarity.
Georgia has played an equally critical role at a regional level. Its Western trajectory has served as a model for others, offering a potent alternative to the Russia and China-centric foreign policy models on offer in the region. This approach, which led to EU candidate status, has resonated strongly in Armenia, where Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is now steering the country toward European integration and strategic partnership with the U.S. At the same time, Georgia’s participation in regional projects helped anchor Azerbaijan in cooperative frameworks with the West. In other words, Georgia was not just part of the U.S. strategy in the region, but also an enabler of it.
Shattered Dreams
Today, however, that standing is at risk of unraveling. Under GD, Georgia’s shift from EU integration toward closer ties with Russia and Iran has transformed a strategic asset into a liability. Following the 2024 elections, GD’s suspension of the EU membership process triggered a suspension of the U.S.-Georgia Strategic Partnership. Furthermore, allegations of sanctions evasion networks facilitating Russian and Iranian trade, which nearly led to sanctions by the EU, have directly undercut American efforts to constrain its strategic competitors and eroded decades of bilateral trust.
The danger is regional. A Georgia that is once again under growing Russian influence complicates Armenia’s Western pivot, and puts at risk not only the Middle Corridor but broader transregional energy and transport initiatives, including TRIPP. Without a reliable government in Tbilisi, the coherence of these projects, and the strategic logic behind them, begins to break down.
But a clear opening for strategic recalibration exists. Russia remains heavily preoccupied in Ukraine, limiting its ability to consolidate influence elsewhere. Iran’s regional posture is under massive pressure at present, constraining its capacity to project influence northward. At the same time, political shifts within the EU, combined with Ukraine’s resilience, are reinforcing the broader Western strategic posture in the Black Sea and South Caucasus.
These dynamics create conditions in which renewed American engagement can deliver outsized strategic returns. Washington, under the leadership of President Trump, has already taken significant steps by facilitating dialogue between Armenia and Azerbaijan and supporting the emergence of new regional frameworks such as TRIPP. The next logical step is to ensure Georgia’s full integration into the region’s new, evolving architecture, so that it remains coherent, viable, and aligned with U.S. interests.
Re-anchoring Georgia is not about imposing external preferences. It is about securing a strategic asset that is already in place. Moreover, it clearly aligns with the will of the Georgian people, reinforces the country’s constitutional commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration, and protects decades of American political, economic, and strategic investment in the region.
The Logic of Redoubled Engagement
Here, a recalibrated American strategy can prove decisive. Restoring Georgia’s Western orientation would unlock significant regional gains, reinforcing the Middle Corridor and securing strategic access to the Caspian and Central Asia. In an era of great power competition, doing so provides the U.S. with a stronger economic presence and greater strategic reach while effectively reducing Chinese, Russian, and Iranian influence.
A re-anchored Georgia would also help consolidate a more cohesive regional order. With Armenia advancing toward Western integration and Azerbaijan pursuing pragmatic energy cooperation with Europe, the foundations for coordinated regional alignments are already in place. But Georgia’s role in this equation is critical; without it, the emerging regional structure remains incomplete and unstable.
Here, American policy needs to distinguish the Georgian government from its people, whose strong Western support offers a vital lever for reengagement. But such reengagement must be conditional. The U.S. needs a clear and principled stance toward the current Georgian government—one that demands a return to democratic principles, including the restoration of free speech and free and fair elections, and an end to political persecution, as well as the dismantlement of sanctions evasion and illicit financial networks.
These are not peripheral issues. The credibility of GD has eroded, both domestically and internationally, due to its corruption, authoritarian policies, and shift away from Euro-Atlantic integration toward Russia, China, and Iran. Without reform, engagement with Georgia’s ruling party would create merely a facade of partnership. But a proactive American policy grounded in conditional engagement can secure a decisive advantage for Washington, because a Western-oriented Georgia, bridging Armenia and Azerbaijan, would cement the region’s alignment with U.S. strategy.
The opportunity is real, and it remains within reach. The question is whether Washington is prepared to act to make it a reality.